Political Philosophy and the Left (parts I & II)

New Left Project
28 July 2010

Stuart White is a fellow of Jesus College, Oxford, and a member of Demos’s advisory council. He writes about political philosophy and its application, and is the author of Equality and The Civic Minimum. He spoke with Edward Lewis about the philosophical foundations of the left and their implications for social structure.

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In the second part of a discussion of left-wing political philosophy, Edward Lewis and the political philosopher Stuart White discuss how to institutionalise the values of the left, focusing in particular on the idea of an unconditional basic income.

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Hungary Sued in Holocaust Art Claim

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New York Times
July 27, 2010

For more than two decades the heirs of a world-renowned Jewish collector have been petitioning the Hungarian government to return more than $100 million worth of art, most of which has been hanging in Hungarian museums, where it was left for safekeeping during World War II or placed after being stolen by the Nazis and later returned to Hungary.

The requests have been rebuffed, as have appeals to the government from current and former United States senators, including the Democrats Christopher J. Dodd, Hillary Rodham Clinton and Edward M. Kennedy. Finally, in 2008, a Hungarian court ruled that the government was not required to return the art.

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Francisco de Zurbaran's Saint Andrew

Lucas Cranach the Elder's The Annunciation of Saint Joachim

El Greco’s The Agony in the Garden

Ellsberg: WikiLeaker Should Be Admired for His Courage

Wall Street Journal
July 26, 2010

Daniel Ellsberg, who gained fame for leaking the Pentagon Papers to the press, stayed up last night into the wee hours reading the trove of Afghanistan documents and feeling affinity for the leaker, whomever it might be.

“He’s a guy who’s in the same state of mind I was in,” said Ellsberg in a phone interview. “I’ve sort of been waiting for somebody to do this for 40 years.”

Still, Ellsberg, 79, said he had mixed feelings about the release of so many documents. The classified military documents contain some 92,000 reports.

“To put out such a large amount of material is of some risk if you haven’t read it all,” said Ellsberg, reached in Mexico where he was attending a screening of “The Most Dangerous Man in America,” a documentary about his Pentagon Papers ordeal.

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Pentagon Papers II? On WikiLeaks and the First Amendment

Wall Street Journal
July 26, 2010

Is there a legal angle to the WikiLeaks story?

The bottom line: the website WikiLeaks, a site that publishes confidential information, got its hands on a huge trove of classified military field reports from the war in Afghanistan, which it then leaked to three publications: the New York Times, the Guardian and Der Spiegel.

The information disclosed paints a bleak picture of the war in Afghanistan.

Will there be any legal fallout from the story? Will criminal or civil charges be filed against anyone involved with the leak or publication of the leak?

We checked in with a couple First Amendment specialists on the topic, each of whom cast doubt on the government’s ability to prosecute or sue anyone involved with publishing the leaks.

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Η επικαιρότητα του λόγου του Αριστόβουλου Μάνεση

του Νίκου Κ. Αλιβιζάτου

Καθημερινή
25 Ιουλίου 2010

Συμπληρώνονται αυτές τις μέρες δέκα χρόνια από τον θάνατο του Αριστόβουλου Μάνεση, το καλοκαίρι του 2000. Ηταν ο διαπρεπέστερος Ελληνας συνταγματολόγος της γενιάς του, ο οποίος σημάδεψε με το έργο, τη διδασκαλία και τον δημόσιο λόγο του τρεις, τουλάχιστον, γενιές νομικών της μεταπολεμικής περιόδου.

Για τη συμβολή του Αρ. Μάνεση στην επιστήμη του Συνταγματικού Δικαίου σε καιρούς χαλεπούς, αλλά και πιο πρόσφατα, έχουν γραφεί πολλά. Ο ενδιαφερόμενος μπορεί να ανατρέξει επωφελώς στους δύο συγκεντρωτικούς τόμους με τις μελέτες του (Συνταγματική θεωρία και πράξη, τ. Α΄, Θεσσαλονίκη, 1980, τ. Β΄, Αθήνα, 2007) και, προπάντων, στον πρώτο από τους τρεις τόμους του Χαρμόσυνου, που εξέδωσαν προς τιμήν του οι μαθητές του, το 1994. Σε αυτόν δημοσιεύονται 27 μελέτες για το έργο του, παρουσιασμένες όλες ενώπιόν του, σε συμπόσιο που του αφιέρωσε ο Τομέας Δημόσιου Δικαίου του Πανεπιστημίου Θεσσαλονίκης, τον Μάιο του 1991. Σε αυτή την εκδήλωση, χωρίς προηγούμενο για εν ζωή επιστήμονα, δάσκαλος, ομότεχνοι και μαθητές (προερχόμενοι απ’ όλο το πολιτικό και ιδεολογικό φάσμα!) δεν συζήτησαν απλώς επί ώρες, αλλά «αντιπαρατέθηκαν» πάνω σε ένα πολυσχιδές έργο, που ξεπερνούσε κατά πολύ το στενό αντικείμενο του κλάδου που υπηρετούσε ο τιμώμενος.

Η μοναδική ζεστασιά με την οποία συμπεριφερόταν στους μαθητές του, ήταν το βασικότερο χαρακτηριστικό του Μάνεση ως δασκάλου. Γιατί, χωρίς την παραμικρή επιτήδευση, είχε καταφέρει να αντιστρέψει τον κανόνα: τους μεν ισχυρούς τους αντιμετώπιζε «αφ’ υψηλού», τους δε ανίσχυρους με ταπεινοφροσύνη. Κάτι που βέβαια, ενώ προκαλούσε τη δυσπιστία των πρώτων, του χάριζε το πιο πολύτιμο δώρο: την εμπιστοσύνη των δεύτερων.

Χάρη σ’ αυτή την εμπιστοσύνη, ο Αρ. Μάνεσης απολαμβάνει μετά θάνατον ένα σπάνιο προνόμιο: οι μαθητές του συγκρότησαν επιστημονική εταιρεία που φέρει το όνομά του όχι μόνο για την προβολή του έργου του, αλλά και για την καλλιέργεια ενός «ζωντανού» Συνταγματικού Δικαίου.

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Court Under Roberts Is Most Conservative in Decades

New York Times
July 24, 2010

When Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. and his colleagues on the Supreme Court left for their summer break at the end of June, they marked a milestone: the Roberts court had just completed its fifth term.

In those five years, the court not only moved to the right but also became the most conservative one in living memory, based on an analysis of four sets of political science data.

And for all the public debate about the confirmation of Elena Kagan or the addition last year of Justice Sonia Sotomayor, there is no reason to think they will make a difference in the court’s ideological balance. Indeed, the data show that only one recent replacement altered its direction, that of Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. for Justice Sandra Day O’Connor in 2006, pulling the court to the right.

There is no similar switch on the horizon. That means that Chief Justice Roberts, 55, is settling in for what is likely to be a very long tenure at the head of a court that seems to be entering a period of stability.

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How Your Views Compare With the Court
Answer six questions to see how your views align with those of the Roberts court and all Americans.

Inside the Supreme Court
While sound bites and 24-hour news may set the agenda for much of Washington, the Supreme Court still forbids television coverage of its arguments. The only way to see the nation’s highest court in action is to visit. For those who can’t make the trip, here is a rare look at the empty courtroom.

Preserved cadaver exhibits banned in Seattle

The Scout Report
July 23, 2010

Not many things get banned in Seattle, so it was a bit unusual this week to learn that the city council in the Emerald City voted to ban commercial cadaver displays. For those who might not be familiar with such matters, preserved cadaver displays have become tremendously popular over the past several years, and they include the exhibits "Bodies" and "Body Worlds". In Seattle, Councilmember Nick Licata expressed concern over the origins of the bodies used in these displays, and other citizens (including anatomy professors and museum directors) thought that the exhibits were disrespectful to the families of the deceased. The popular exhibit "Bodies" had been on display twice in Seattle, and the group responsible for sponsoring the exhibit stated that they received these bodies from a plastination facility in China, which had in turn, received them from Chinese medical universities. Similar laws have been signed into law in Hawaii, New York, and San Francisco. The ban in Seattle does not apply to human remains that are more than 100 years old or consist solely of human teeth or hair. Given the continued popularity of such exhibits, this issue may be revisited in other towns across the United States.

The first link will take visitors to a news article from this Tuesday's Seattle Times which talks about the recent ban passed by the Seattle City Council.

The second link leads to a thoughtful retrospective piece from the Seattle Post-Intelligencer which reviews the original exhibit which found its way to Seattle in 2006.

Moving on, the third link leads to an excellent piece from the Washington Post that reports on the initial reactions to the "Bodies: The Exhibition" display.

The fourth link leads to a recent piece from the Cleveland Plain Dealer which discusses concerns about the "Bodies: The Exhibition" raised by a Missouri congressman which may affect an upcoming exhibit in St. Louis.

The fifth link leads to a segment from ABC's "20/20" program about the Bodies exhibit. It should be noted that the segment contains images that some persons may find graphic in their depiction of the human body.

The final link leads to a piece from Inside Higher Ed which provides material on a recent book about the photographic history of medical dissection.

1. Seattle council bans exhibits like 'Bodies'

2. Exhibition or freak show? 'Bodies: The Exhibition' cashes in our own curiosity

3. Anatomy of a controversy

4. Missouri congressman concerned about origin of bodies at exhibit currently in Cleveland

5. 20/20: Inside the Bodies Exhibit

6. Photographic History of Human Dissection

Europe Turns Ear Toward Voice of the People

New York Times
July 22, 2010

The way Martin Kastler sees it, there ought to be a law prohibiting shops all across Europe from opening on Sundays, much as there has been for generations in his native Bavaria.

He has already begun collecting signatures of support. And soon, courtesy of a little debated clause in the new Lisbon Treaty, the European Union may be obliged to consider drawing up such legislation.

“For me, Sunday is a family day,” said Mr. Kastler, a German member of the European Parliament who is being urged on by his wife, church groups and trade unions.

Long criticized as lacking democratic accountability, the European Union is about to give its 500 million citizens more say — if they can collect one million supporting signatures from a “significant” number of member countries.

But whether the voice of the people will triumph over the bureaucracy remains an open question.

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Το κουτάκι των «λειτουργών»

του Πάσχου Μανδραβέλη

Καθημερινή
18 Ιουλίου 2010

Ας υποθέσουμε ότι ορθώς οι δικαστές αρνήθηκαν να απογραφούν, πειθαρχώντας στην απόφαση της Ενωσης Δικαστών και Εισαγγελέων. Ας υποθέσουμε ότι δικαίως μια αμειβόμενη από εμάς τους φορολογούμενους ομάδα δημόσιων λειτουργών θεωρεί ότι τα μέλη της είναι πιο λειτουργοί από τους άλλους «συμπαθείς εργαζόμενους» (όπως είπε ο εκπρόσωπός τους στην τηλεόραση), και αρνείται να εγγραφεί στην ίδια ηλεκτρονική καρτέλα που συμπλήρωσαν οι κοινοί δημόσιοι υπάλληλοι. Ας υποθέσουμε επίσης ότι είναι αντισυνταγματικό να απογράφονται οι «λειτουργοί» μαζί με το «προσωπικό», αν και με τη συνεχή επίκληση της αντισυνταγματικότητας το Σύνταγμα θα καταντήσει νούμερο στις επιθεωρήσεις.

Αλλά, ακόμη κι αν υποθέσουμε ότι έχει σε όλα δίκιο η Ενωση Δικαστών και Εισαγγελέων, τίθεται ένα σημαντικό ζήτημα. Με ποια νομική διαδικασία οι συνδικαλιστές της Δικαιοσύνης συνιστούν στους «λειτουργούς» της Δικαιοσύνης να μην εφαρμόσουν τον νόμο; Αντικαθιστούν οι ανακοινώσεις ενός συνδικαλιστικού οργάνου τους νόμους του κράτους; Αν ναι, τότε γιατί ελεεινολογούμε το ΠΑΜΕ, που επίσης νομοθετεί διά των ανακοινώσεών του; Δηλαδή, νόμος είναι το «δίκιο» του δικαστή και δεν είναι του εργάτη; Σε τι διαφέρει ο πρόεδρος της Ενωσης Δικαστών και Εισαγγελέων, κ. Χαράλαμπος Αθανασίου, από τον «συμπαθή εργαζόμενο» κ. Σάββα Τσιμπόγλου, ο οποίος κανονίζει ποια κρουαζιερόπλοια θα αποπλεύσουν και ποια όχι; Εντάξει! Ο πρώτος είναι δικαστής και ο δεύτερος μηχανικός του εμπορικού ναυτικού. Λέει, όμως, πουθενά το Σύνταγμα ότι οι δικαστές εφαρμόζουν όποιους νόμους τούς βολεύει και οι λιμενεργάτες όχι; Να συμφωνήσουμε ότι τα δικαστήρια μπορούν να κρίνουν τη συνταγματικότητα ενός νόμου. Αλλά, πάλι, αυτό γίνεται με τη διαδικασία που προβλέπει ο νόμος, δηλαδή με δίκη, όχι με συνδικαλιστικούς φετβάδες.

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Real Government Efficiency

by Jeffrey Collins

Wall Street Journal
July 16, 2010

The philosopher Thomas Hobbes is now a good deal more popular than he once was. When his "Leviathan" appeared in 1651 it was denounced everywhere. England's King's Charles II, a believer in the divine right of kings, disliked its coolly rational account of sovereignty. The Church of England loathed its attacks on Christian orthodoxy. Hobbes later claimed that agents of the king tried to assassinate him and bishops of the church to burn him alive. If they tried, they failed, but during his lifetime "Leviathan" was banned in England and across Europe. Upon his passing in 1679, Hobbes was known (after his birthplace) as the "Monster of Malmesbury."

But today "Leviathan" is considered one of the greatest works of political theory ever written. It is a standard text in college courses, mercifully replacing the slumping Marx. The very title of Hobbes's masterpiece has become a byword for the modern state. In bookstores we encounter titles such as "The American Leviathan," "The Islamic Leviathan" and even "The Obama Leviathan." Those seeking the genuine article can sample Hobbes's own "Leviathan" in at least 10 paperback editions.

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Souter happy to shape our Constitution

by David B. Rivkin Jr. and Lee A. Casey

USA Today
June 15, 2010

Our perennial national debate over how to interpret the Constitution will soon be renewed, as the Senate considers the Supreme Court nomination of Solicitor General Elena Kagan.

In fact, former Justice David Souter set the discussion in motion last month in a Harvard commencement address— arguing that seeking to resolve difficult constitutional questions based on an honest effort to construe that document's words (whether broadly or narrowly) "has only a tenuous connection to reality" and leads to bad decisions.

Souter's candor is commendable but also genuinely troubling — the practical equivalent of a retired cardinal announcing that religion is an opiate for the masses. Even judges who quietly believe that the Constitution is an irredeemably reactionary document, which they must pull and push into the 21st century, are not generally so bold, preferring instead to cloak their innovations with references to the Constitution's text.

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Pelosi's Paradox: Can today's Congress tell tomorrow's Congress what to do? No. Maybe. Sort of.

by Christopher Beam

Slate
July 14, 2010

In the debate over how to reduce the deficit—should we cut spending or raise taxes? should we do it now or later?—economists say we should spend now and save later. This is partly Economics 101: We're still in a recession, so let's stimulate our way out of it before turning to fiscal austerity. But it's also a convenient way to put off hard choices. Regardless of whoever pays the economic price for deficit reduction, the consensus seems to be that future Congresses should pay the political price.

Indeed, many of the biggest pieces of legislation facing Congress put off political pain. For example, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act—otherwise known as health care reform—pays for itself with an excise tax on "Cadillac" insurance plans that doesn't kick in until 2018.* Financial regulatory reform would put a consumer financial protection agency in place right away, but the panel wouldn't reach full strength until 2020. Immigration reform, meanwhile, would require illegal immigrants to wait another eight years before they could apply for permanent residency.

In other words, each bill contains provisions that will be implemented sometime in the future—not by Congress, necessarily, but by the executive branch. But these policies will require enough continued congressional support that no future Congress tries to reverse them.

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Maryland to vote in November on whether to hold constitutional convention

Washington Post
July 5, 2010

With July Fourth complete, it's time to face a real test of independence: If you have the right to tear up and rewrite your constitution, should you?

It's not an academic exercise this year in Maryland. It's a question on the November ballot.

Maryland is one of 14 states with a constitutional requirement designed to make voters decide at least once a generation whether to start over. The protection goes back to the Founding Fathers and the thinking that, every now and then in a healthy democracy, the People probably have to shake things up.

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